Adam Smith on the division of labor
On one of the many econ blogs I read, I stumbled on Adam Smith's classic idea, "the division of labour is limited by the extent of the market." (Is it more cliché to quote Adam Smith, or a dictionary?) I've long felt that neuroscience labs aren't nearly specialized enough, so I turned to the Wealth of Nations, to see what Smith wrote.
I'm no economist, but this is what I understood from the first three chapters. In the first chapter, Smith observed that specialized workmen have higher productivity than generalists, and hypothesized that productivity improves through the effects of the division of labor. He observed three reasons for this: 1.) increased skill of workers; 2.) reduced transaction costs in switching between tasks; and 3.) invention of machines that improve task-specific productivity. Of these, I think the first is most important for neuroscience, and my post today.
Then in chapters 2 and 3, Smith speculated on how and why labor was divided. First, labor was able to be divided because people could trade their goods. If I'm adept at shoemaking, I can make more shoes than other people, then trade the shoes for food. Micro-econ 101.
Second, Smith observed the quote that started me thinking: that the division of labour is limited by the extent of the market. His explanation was brief, but the basic idea is that if I'm a good shoemaker, and can make one shoe per day, I need to live in a place that can absorb 250 shoes per year; I can't work as a shoemaker in a hamlet of ten people. On the other hand, if I lived in a city of a million people, I could further specialize the shoemaking into its various components, and increase productivity even further.
So what does this have to do with neuroscience? The two key questions are: how can we divide the labor; and what is the extent of the market?
The division of labor
Neuroscience is the most integrative biological science, which makes dividing labor straightforward: by discipline.
To make this concrete, I'll draw on my experience in grad school. In the Yasuda lab, we studied the cellular mechanisms of synaptic plasticity. On a purely theoretical level, we studied cell signaling pathways (although surprisingly nothing about learning and memory). Then on a primary technical level, we performed experiments via imaging on a microscope. Once we had data, we had to analyze it. This could be quite complicated, involving software design, statistics, and simple modeling. On a secondary technical level, there were preparations before each experiment, which included doing dissections, or subcloning constructs. To verify our results, we often performed Westerns.
In total, you could theoretically divide the Yasuda Lab Labor Market into: literature research; imaging and microscopy; programming (software, statistics, and modeling); surgery; molecular biology; and biochemistry. Six (to eight) jobs in a lab of ten people. In practice, there was relatively little specialization. Everyone knew a little bit about microscopy, data analysis, and molecular biology. The only specialists per se were two post-docs who performed a lot of molecular biology and biochemistry (and of course, Ryohei, who knew everything).
The extent of the market
Which brings me to the second question, what is the extent of the market? On a large scale, one might think that the market includes all of neuroscience, 30,000+ people. But remember, the market is defined by trade, and most of these scientists don't "trade" with each other often, either in people or matériel.
So what group of people can practically trade time or resources? A lab. (Or, one might argue, a department, which I address below.) However, in a lab of ten people, each working on their own project, the market is quite small. This means that the benefits to specialization are limited.
To make this concrete, I'll draw on my experience in grad school. In the Yasuda lab, we studied the cellular mechanisms of synaptic plasticity. On a purely theoretical level, we studied cell signaling pathways (although surprisingly nothing about learning and memory). Then on a primary technical level, we performed experiments via imaging on a microscope. Once we had data, we had to analyze it. This could be quite complicated, involving software design, statistics, and simple modeling. On a secondary technical level, there were preparations before each experiment, which included doing dissections, or subcloning constructs. To verify our results, we often performed Westerns.
In total, you could theoretically divide the Yasuda Lab Labor Market into: literature research; imaging and microscopy; programming (software, statistics, and modeling); surgery; molecular biology; and biochemistry. Six (to eight) jobs in a lab of ten people. In practice, there was relatively little specialization. Everyone knew a little bit about microscopy, data analysis, and molecular biology. The only specialists per se were two post-docs who performed a lot of molecular biology and biochemistry (and of course, Ryohei, who knew everything).
The extent of the market
Which brings me to the second question, what is the extent of the market? On a large scale, one might think that the market includes all of neuroscience, 30,000+ people. But remember, the market is defined by trade, and most of these scientists don't "trade" with each other often, either in people or matériel.
So what group of people can practically trade time or resources? A lab. (Or, one might argue, a department, which I address below.) However, in a lab of ten people, each working on their own project, the market is quite small. This means that the benefits to specialization are limited.
Beyond lab size, the market is also limited by the duration of employment, typically 2-5 years. Specialties take time to master, and the most useful forms of specialization take the most time. Yet if people require years to learn a specialty, they will leave as soon as they master them. This is not necessarily a problem for the entire neuroscience community, but for individual groups looking to increase productivity.
So what can be done to increase specialization? Some larger groups, namely department-size entities, have made some progress. fMRI departments have a fairly clear split between the programmers and the cognitive scientists. Many departments have "core" facilities like 2-photon microscopes, or micro-array processing. Janelia and Max Planck institutes have professional cloners making constructs. Indeed, here in Geneva, we have a very good shop that can (with time) handle most equipment building needs. Most of these core facilities help with experimental setup or data acquisition.
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